現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対する共同声明文の英語版
- 2007/06/03
- 17:55
http://kokumintouhyou.blog98.fc2.com/
です。
下に掲載するのは、「私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します」の共同声明文の英語訳です。
日本語による原文は
私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します
の中のこちらのエントリー
http://kokumintouhyou.blog98.fc2.com/blog-entry-27.html
でごらんください。
すでに
http://kokumintouhyou.blog98.fc2.com/blog-entry-28.html
で署名をしてくださった方々の言葉はとても励みになっています。ありがとうございます。まだの方は今からでもこちらのコメント欄に署名をお願いいたします。
http://kokumintouhyou.blog98.fc2.com/blog-entry-28.html
これでフランス語、中国語、今回の英語訳が
私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します
http://kokumintouhyou.blog98.fc2.com/
にそろいましたが、ほかの言語(ドイツ語など...)への翻訳のできる方もつのっております。
そして、もちろん、この英語版のご利用、転送、転載を歓迎します。みなさんの中で外国に友人や知り合いがいらっしゃる方も海外にこの共同声明を流すようにお願いいたします。法学者、日本研究家、ジャーナリスト、新聞社などに伝わればなおベターです。もちろん、「私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します」ブログの共同管理者たちも努力いたします。
最初に、「カナダde日本語」の美爾依さんのお知り合いのカナダ人の方が手を加えてくださったネイティブチェック入りヴァージョン。
美爾依さんの記事はこちら
http://minnie111.blog40.fc2.com/blog-entry-505.html
そして、その後に、参考までに、私が手がけた(汗)ネイティブチェック前のヴァージョン。
両方残すのは私の勉強のためです。(^^;
The Japanese government and the parties in power are revising the Japanese constitution, under the slogan: "release Japan from its political regime of the post-war period". In fact, their intention is to remove the constitutional constraints imposed upon the political and administrative power of the State. Indeed, their plan of this "regime change" is hidden in the draft of the "new constitution" published by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) on October 28, 2005.
The reasons why we are against the regime change are as follows:
First, it reserves the fundamental human rights and civil freedom on the pretext of the priority to "the public interest", a reduction or a substantial suspension of the pacifist principle and a relaxing or a substantial abrogation of the principle of the separation of the religion and the politics. This means an anti-democratic change of the fundamental lines of the Japanese constitution which has its three principles: "popular sovereignty", "pacifism" and "the respect of the fundamental human rights".
Second, article 96 of the current Japanese constitution stipulates the reform of the current constitution which is rigid will be modified too, so that the government can revise the constitution by own initiative and a parliamentary vote, without any procedure of validation by the Japanese people, in a right and equitable way. With such a change of this article, the Japanese constitution will lose its rigid character substantially and the government will have the power to change this constitution, even its fundamental lines, any time and in any way, to suit the government's own convenience, regardless of the intentions of the the Japanese people.
These two points make us believe that this constitutional revision under the slogan: "release Japan from its political regime of the post-war period", will not be limited only to a partial modification of some articles but that it will be also a full-scale revision of all the constitution. In other words, we think that this constitutional revision is an announcement of an antidemocratic change in Japan. If such a constitutional revision as the government and the parties currently in power imagine they carriy this out, The constitution of Japan will be something completely different, with its democratic principles and its constitutional characteristic weakened.
Indeed, from a democratic point of view, the political behavior of the LDP which constitutes a majority in Parliament and government, currently shows many dangerous concrete signs. In particular, since the 1990's, the LDP is gradually following nationalist policies, which consist in giving priority to military affairs, while mobilizing the power of the State more easily and restricting fundamental human rights. The executives of the government and the parties currently in power, in particular the LDP, hoist their slogan: "release Japan from its political regime of the post-war period", while neglecting the fundamental law which is the current constitution of Japan, following the draft of October 28th, 2005, of its "new constitution" and acting as if there were not their obligation for the regent, the ministers of State, the members of the Diet, the judges and all the other civil servants to respect and defend the current constitution, which is stipulated in the article 99. These deputies of the LDP reproach the current constitution, in an abstract and unilateral way, pretending that it does not correspond to the times. They claim unceasingly and obstinately, that human rights support selfishness and give bad influences to public order and moral standards. They interpret the constitution forcibly in their favor. Moreover, many policies which are already applied or which are prepared or planned transgress the principles of the constitution, to the extent that we dare to consider them anti-constitutional. We observe all that, day after day and we have sufficiently realistic doubts.
From these facts, we can conclude that the Japanese government and the parties currently in power aim at a full-scale constitutional revision, in order to allow them to deny its constitutional character which should consist in giving orders to the State on behalf of the Japanese people and on the other hand, in order to allow them to give orders unilaterally to the people on behalf of the State.
Obviously, only one constitutional revision will not complete a "regime change" sacrificing democracy and constitutionalism. In the same way, the Japanese who aspire for peace and freedom, and Japanese society that they constitute will perhaps not change immediately their behavior and direction towards dangerous totalitarianism. However, with the intentions of this total constitutional revision by the LDP, it will be inevitable that the framework of the legal system to prevent Japan from moving towards the antidemocratic and anti-constitutional direction would not be valid anymore. Moreover, it is undeniable that such a regime change will shift the conscience and the political behavior of the population to an antidemocratic direction in the medium and long term, Japan has experienced totalitarianism and militarism during the Second World War. In the current situation, an undeniable part of Japanese journalism supports this attempt of the LDP to revise the constitution, consciously serving the directing and arbitrary statements of the government. And as mentioned before, we cannot qualify this attempt as democratic nor constitutional. If such a regime change is accomplished in this situation, it will be a deeply serious error for Japan and the international community in the future. We can easily imagine it, if we have a look on the irresponsible attitude of the Japanese political parties in power and on their lack of a humanitarian point of view about the sexual slaves of the Japanese imperial army during the Second World War which created a worldwide sensation recently.
Another more important and worrying thing is the current relations between the USA and Japan. Actually, since the cold war between the east and the west which lasted one half-century, and now that the wave of globalization reigns in the whole world, many agreements were established by the requests from the United States, in order to support and supplement the military strategy of the United States. There are, for example, the conclusion of the "Treaty of mutual cooperation and security between Japan and the United States of America" (1960), "the Guidelines for U.S.-Japan Defense Co-operation" (1997), the Armitage report (the official name: "INSS Special Report", 2000), "The U.S.-Japan Regulatory Reform and Competition Policy Initiative", an enormous expenditure paid by Japan for restructuring of the American military forces remaining in Japan, and the attempts of modification of the interpretation of the Japanese constitution by the Japanese government to widen the extent of the right of collective self-defense, and so on. As time passed, all these agreements substantially destroyed the respect for the articles of the Japanese constitution which should be superior law to these rules. Moreover, the sovereignty which should belong to the people is also transmitted gradually to the State. Indeed, the current full-scale revision of the constitution by the Japanese government is about to finalize its ultimate objective in an unconcealed way.
Thus, the Japanese people now are faced with a danger to submit to the interest of the government and that of the current parties in power which form an integral unity in the ally, the United States, politically and diplomatically. That means at the same time that Japan will lose its own sovereignty and that it will become a substantial possession of the United States in their military strategy. Thus, the current Japanese Self-Defence Forces will be obligatorily brought unilaterally to follow the military strategy of the United States, like a dependent troop.
It is regrettable that this full-scale constitutional revision or "this establishment of a new constitution" is in progress, whereas a majority of the Japanese people do not understand its purposes well. The reason for that is that the majority of the Japanese people would be opposed to this constitutional revision if they really understood the intention of the Japanese government and that of the parties currently in power. Indeed, we do not want a Japanese military force to be deployed abroad to serve the United States' military strategy acting always in an unilateralist way. We do not want Japanese people's blood and that of the people of the world to run in wars, either.
Let us take a look at the history of Japan. The purpose of the LDP, that has his root in dominating political groups in power before and during the Second World War and that was almost all the time in power also after this war, is to establish its "new voluntary constitution" denying the current democratic constitution which was written just after the defeat of Japan in the Second World War. And now, Shinzo Abe, grandson of Nobusuke Kishi who was one of the political personalities with the highest responsibility for the Japanese colonialist invasion into the other Asian countries under the pretext of creation of a "Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere" and for the policies applied during the occupation of Japan by the United States after the war, is about to execute the idea of his grandfather, carrying out his dangerous intrigues. Shinzo Abe, just after his installation as the Prime Minister in September 2006, announced his slogan: "release Japan from its political regime of the post-war period", which was not explicitly shown as an electoral promise of the LDP on the preceding legislative elections of the House of Representatives in August 2005. On that occasion, Abe announced clearly that he would quickly carry out his idea concretely with constitutional reform. And the LDP, to which he belongs and which has an absolute majority of the seats, strongly push this action. We are sure to say that it is a violent negation of the fundamental values of our country in a democracy, which normally should have its principle of popular sovereignty and its constitutional principle.
Now, Japan is one of the biggest economic powers of the world and it has an important influence on the international community. Thus, if Japan reduces or denies its own democracy explicitly and intentionally, it will be a great threat for the peace of the world. We must not let a fascistic tyranny which had led the world to a tragedy in 1930's reproduce in Japan in the 21st century. This is our will, because we reflect deeply on the dreadful damage caused by the erroneous war in the past, because we are doubtful of the nationalist policies put into force by the current Japanese government and of their non-democratic characters and because we fear that Japan represents a threat and a nationalist despotism in the future. Once again, this is our will from each one of us, because we believe in the true democracy.
"We oppose the "bill on the procedures of constitutional reform (the law on the referendum)" that the Japanese government and the parties currently in power aim at adopting, for the following reasons: "
From the very beginning, the purpose of the constitution should be to guarantee the right to control. The power of the State to the people. Precisely, the procedures of constitutional reform should be right, equitable, clear, transparent, conform to the fundamental principles of the democracy which are popular with the people, and respect for the fundamental human rights. Firstly, for this objective, it is necessary for the referendum in the procedures of constitutional reform, reflect public opinion as exactly as possible. Secondly, it is necessary for the people to have a free access to as varied political opinions as possible, for an apt decision on behalf of the people. Thirdly, it is necessary for free and equitable popular movements for the referendum to be assured, so that wide and thorough popular discussions might be possible. From this point of view, the bill currently proposed by the government and the parties currently in power does not seem to satisfy the conditions of a right, equitable, clear and transparent referendum, mentioned previously. The reasons are as follows:
1. The bill on the referendum (bill on the procedures of constitutional reform) does not stipulate the minimum rate of participation so that the referendum is valid. For example, only voices of 20% of the voters will be able to approve a reform of articles. (Thus, the constitutional and democratic principles of the constitution could be easily modified.)
2. In this bill on the referendum, limitations with some sanctions might be an obstacle to the freedom of opinion and sanctions are likely to be applied arbitrarily by the government. (These sanctions and these limitations could be disadvantageous only to people defending the constitution in force.)
3. Equity for the people to make a deliberate judgment on proposed projects of constitutional reforms is not assured in terms of public relations. (As the number of participants in the council for public relations for the referendum and publicities paid by the public money will be allotted almost purely proportionally to the number of the seats at the Parliament, the political parties which have more seats will have unilaterally disproportionate advantages. Moreover, unbounded paying publicities will favor unilaterally fortunate parties.)
4. The period from the proposal of the project of constitutional reform at the Parliament until the referendum is too short. (It is not sure that the people can make an informed judgment.)
5. The mode of the poll on the referendum is ambiguous. (An arbitrary leading by grouping of articles on the vote should be avoided and each voter should make judgments article by article. But these points are not clearly defined in the bill suggested by the government and the parties currently in power.)
"We oppose any antidemocratic regime change by the current Japanese government and we ask for a development and a concretization of the democratic principles of the Japanese constitution in force."
We oppose any regime change which the current Japanese government is aiming at and which will permit Japan to make war without reserve by the intention of the political parties in power and that of the leaders of the government.
We want to prevent Japan by all means from transforming itself back into an antidemocratic or anti-constitutional country.
We aspire to the development of democratic principles, which are popular with the Japanese people. Pacifism and respect for fundamental human rights, the concretization of values of the present Japanese constitution.
We want to share the fruits of peace and democracy in Japan, with all peoples of the world.
We believe that this is also the will of the peoples of the world who aspires to freedom and peace, wishing to defend and develop democracy.
The LDP currently in power announced their will of a "regime change" and now that they are about to start constitutional reform (the law on the referendum), there is not much time left to resist it.
We address this message to the whole world, hoping that our will holds well in the face of the judgment of history. We also hope that our actions will open a way which will bring all the international community to the next stage towards peace. We sincerely ask all the people of the world of good will to unite in front of our project, in their respective countries, their respective communities and their respective places of everyday life, to win peace and democracy for our country and of course, those of the world together.
May 3rd, 2007
(以上、ネイティブチェック入りの英訳でした。)
-------------------------------------------------------------
(以下はネイティブチェック前の村野瀬訳。恥ずかしながら参考までに。)
May 3rd, 2007
"We oppose any antidemocratic change of the political regime of Japan"
"We oppose the total revision of the Japanese constitution in progress by the current Japanese government."
At present, the Japanese government and the parties in power aim at revising the Japanese constitution, under the slogan: "release of Japan from its political regime of the post-war period". In fact, their most important goal is to remove the constitutional constraints imposed upon the political and administrative power of the State. Indeed, the intention of this "regime change" is written discreetly in the draft of the "new constitution" published on October 28, 2005 by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) which is in power.
Firstly, are written in this draft a reserve of the fundamental human rights and civil freedom on the pretext of the priority to "the public interest", a reduction or a substantial suspension of the pacifist principle and a relaxing or a substantial abrogation of the principle of the separation of the religion and the politics. This means an antidemocratic change of the fundamental lines of the Japanese constitution which has its three principles: "popular sovereignty", "pacifism" and "the respect of the fundamental human rights".
Secondly, in this draft, the article 96 of the current Japanese constitution stipulating the reform of the current constitution which is a rigid one is modified too, so that the government can revise the constitution only by its initiative and a parliamentary vote, without any procedure to validate the intentions of the sovereign who is the Japanese people in a right and equitable way. With such a change of this article, the Japanese constitution will lose its rigid character substantially and the government will have the power to change this constitution, even its fundamental lines, any time and in any way, to suit the government's own convenience, regardless of the intentions of the sovereign who is the Japanese people.
These two points make us believe that this constitutional revision under the slogan: "release of Japan from its political regime of the post-war period", will not be limited only to a partial modification of some articles but that it will be also a full-scale revision of all the constitution. In other words, we think that this constitutional revision is an announcement of an antidemocratic change of the political regime of Japan. If such a constitutional revision as the government and the parties currently in power imagine it is carried out this time, the constitution of Japan will be something completely different, with its democratic principle and its constitutional characteristic weakened.
Indeed, from the democratic point of view, the political behavior of the LDP which constitutes a majority of the Parliament and government currently shows many dangerous concrete signs. In particular, since the 1990's, the LDP is gradually following nationalist policies, which consist in giving priority to the military affairs, while mobilizing the power of the State more easily and restricting fundamental human rights. The executives of the government and the parties currently in power, in particular the direction of the LDP, hoist their slogan: "release of Japan from its political regime of the post-war period", while neglecting the fundamental law which is the current constitution of Japan, following the draft of October 28th, 2005, of its "new constitution" and acting as if there were not their obligation for the regent, the ministers of State, the members of the Diet, the judges and all the other civil servants to respect and defend the current constitution, which is stipulated in the article 99. These deputies of the LDP reproach the current constitution, in an abstract and unilateral way, pretending that it does not correspond to the times. They claim unceasingly and obstinately that the human rights support selfishness and give bad influences to the public order and the moral standard. They interpret the constitution forcibly in their favor. Moreover, many policies which are already applied or which are prepared or planned transgress the principles of the constitution, to the extent that we dare to consider them anticonstitutional. We observe all that day after day and we have sufficiently realistic doubts.
From these facts, we can conclude that the Japanese government and the parties currently in power aim at a full-scale constitutional revision, in order to allow them to deny its constitutional character which should consist in giving orders to the State on behalf of the sovereign who is the Japanese people and on the other hand, in order to allow them to give orders unilaterally to the people on behalf of the State.
Obviously, only one constitutional revision will not complete a "regime change" sacrificing the democracy and the constitutionalism. In the same way, the Japanese who aspire peace and freedom, and the Japanese society that they constitute will perhaps not change immediately their behavior and direction towards dangerous totalitarianism. However, with the intentions of this total constitutional revision by the LDP, it will be inevitable that the framework of the legal system to prevent Japan to go towards the antidemocratic and anti-constitutional direction would not be valid anymore. Moreover, it is undeniable that such a regime change will shift the conscience and the political behavior of the population towards an antidemocratic direction in the medium and long term, as Japan has experienced it in totalitarianism and militarism during the Second World War. In the current situation, an undeniable part of Japanese journalism supports this attempt of the LDP to revise the constitution, consciously or serving the directing and arbitrary statement of the government. And as mentioned before, we cannot qualify this attempt as democratic nor constitutional. If such a regime change is accomplished in this situation, it will be a deeply serious error for Japan and the international community in the future. And we can easily imagine it, if we have a look on the irresponsible attitude of the Japanese political party in power and on their lack of humanitarian point of view about the sexual slaves of the Japanese imperial army during the Second World War which created a worldwide sensation recently.
Another more important and worrying thing is the current relation between the USA and Japan. Actually, since the cold war between the east and the west which lasted one half-century, and now that the wave of globalization reigns in the whole world, many agreements were established by the requests from the United States, in order to support and supplement the military strategy of the United States on each occasion. There are, for example, the conclusion of the "Treaty of mutual cooperation and security between Japan and the United States of America" (1960), "the Guidelines for U.S.-Japan Defense Co-operation" (1997), the Armitage report (the official name: "INSS Special Report", 2000), "The U.S.-Japan Regulatory Reform and Competition Policy Initiative", an enormous expenditure paid by Japan for restructuring of the American military forces remaining in Japan, and the attempts of modification of the interpretation of the Japanese constitution by the Japanese government to widen the extent of the right of collective self-defense, and so on. As time passed, all these agreements substantially destroyed the respect for the articles of the Japanese constitution which should be a superior law to these rules. Moreover, the sovereignty which should belong to the people is also transmitted gradually to the State. Indeed, the current full-scale revision of the constitution by the Japanese government is about to finalize its ultimate objective in an unconcealed way.
Thus, the Japanese people now are faced with a danger to submit to the interest of the government and that of the current parties in power which form an integral unity in the ally, the United States, politically and diplomatically. That means at the same time that Japan will lose its own sovereignty and that it will become a substantial possession of the United States in their military strategy. Thus, the current Japanese Self-Defence Forces will be obligatorily brought unilaterally to follow the military strategy of the United States, like a dependent troop.
It is regrettable that this full-scale constitutional revision or "this establishment of a new constitution" is in progress, whereas a majority of the Japanese people does not understand its purposes well. The reason for that is that the majority of the Japanese people would be opposed to this constitutional revision if they really understood the intention of the Japanese government and that of the parties currently in power. Indeed, we do not want the Japanese military force to be deployed abroad to serve the United States' military strategy acting always in an unilateralist way. We do not want the Japanese people's blood and that of the people of the world to run in wars, either.
Let us take a look at the history of Japan. The purpose of the LDP, that has his root in dominating political groups in power before and during the Second World War and that was almost all the time in power also after this war, is to establish its "new voluntary constitution" denying the current democratic constitution which was written just after the defeat of Japan in the Second World War. And now, Shinzo Abe, grandson of Nobusuke Kishi who was one of the political personalities with the highest responsibility for the Japanese colonialist invasion into the other Asian countries under the pretext of creation of a "prosperous territory of the Large Eastern Asia" and for the policies applied during the occupation of Japan by the United States after the war, is about to execute the idea of his grandfather, carrying out his dangerous intrigues. Shinzo Abe, just after his installation as the Prime Minister in September 2006, announced his slogan: "release of Japan from its political regime of the post-war period", which was not explicitly shown as an electoral promise of the LDP on the preceding legislative elections of the House of Representatives in August 2005. On that occasion, Abe announced clearly that he would quickly carry out his idea concretely with a constitutional reform. And the LDP, to which he belongs and which has an absolute majority of the seats, strongly push this action. We are sure to say that it is a violent negation of the fundamental values of our country in a democracy which normally should have its principle of popular sovereignty and its constitutional principle.
Now, Japan is one of the biggest economic powers of the world and it has an important influence on the international community. Thus, if Japan reduces or denies its own democracy explicitly and intentionally, it will be a great threat for the peace of the world. We must not let a fascistic tyranny which had led the world to a tragedy in 1930's reproduce in Japan in the 21st century. This is our will, because we reflect deeply on the dreadful damage caused by the erroneous war in the past, because we are doubtful of the nationalist policies put into force by the current Japanese government and of their non-democratic characters and because we fear that Japan represents a threat and a nationalist despotism in the future. Once again, this is our will from each one of us, because we believe in the true democracy.
"We oppose the "bill on the procedures of constitutional reform (the law on the referendum)" that the Japanese government and the parties currently in power aim at adopting, for the following reasons: "
From the very beginning, the purpose of the constitution should be to guarantee the right to control the power of the State to the sovereign people. Precisely, the procedures of constitutional reform should be right, equitable, clear, transparent, conform to the fundamental principles of the democracy which are popular sovereignty and the respect of the fundamental human rights. Firstly, for this objective, it is necessary for the referendum in the procedures of constitutional reform to reflect the public opinion as exactly as possible. Secondly, it is necessary for the people to have a free access to as varied political opinions as possible, for an apt decision on behalf of the people. Thirdly, it is necessary for free and equitable popular movements for the referendum to be assured, so that wide and thorough popular discussions might be possible. From this point of view, the bill currently proposed by the government and the parties currently in power does not seem to satisfy the conditions of a right, equitable, clear and transparent referendum, mentioned previously. The reasons are as follows:
1. The bill on the referendum (bill on the procedures of constitutional reform) does not stipulate the minimum rate of participation so that the referendum is valid. For example, only voices of 20% of the voters will be able to approve a reform of articles. (Thus, the constitutional and democratic principles of the constitution are very easily likely to be modified.)
2. In this bill on the referendum, limitations with some sanctions might be an obstacle to the freedom of opinion and sanctions are likely to be applied arbitrarily by the government. (These sanctions and these limitations could be disadvantageous only to people defending the constitution in force.)
3. Equity for the people to make a deliberate judgment on proposed projects of constitutional reforms is not assured in terms of public relations. (As the number of participants in the council for public relations for the referendum and publicities paid by the public money will be allotted almost purely proportionally to the number of the seats at the Parliament, the political parties which have more seats will have unilaterally disproportionate advantages. Moreover, unbounded paying publicities will favor unilaterally fortunate parties.)
4. The period from the proposal of the project of constitutional reform at the Parliament until the referendum is too short. (It is not sure that the people can make their deliberate judgment.)
5. The mode of the poll on the referendum is ambiguous. (An arbitrary leading by grouping of articles on the vote should be avoided and each voter should make judgments article by article. But these points are not clearly defined in the bill suggested by the government and the parties currently in power.)
"We oppose any antidemocratic regime change by the current Japanese government and we ask for a development and a concretization of the democratic principles of the Japanese constitution in force."
We oppose any regime change which the current Japanese government is aiming at and which will permit Japan to make war without reserve by the intention of the political parties in power and that of the leaders of the government.
We want to prevent Japan by all means from transforming itself into an antidemocratic or anti-constitutional country.
We aspire to a development of the democratic principles which are popular sovereignty, the pacifism and the respect for the fundamental human rights, by a concretization of the values of the Japanese constitution in force.
We want to share fruits of peace and democracy of Japan with all peoples of the whole world.
We believe that this is also the will of all the peoples of the world who aspires to freedom and peace, wishing to defend and develop the democracy.
Now that the LDP currently in power which takes part in the government announced their will of a "regime change" and now that they are about to start their procedures of constitutional reform (the law on the referendum), there is not much time left to resist it.
We address this message to the whole world, hoping that our will holds well in the face of the judgment of the history. We also hope that our action will open a way which will bring all the international community to the next stage towards peace. We sincerely ask all the people of the whole world of good will to unite in front of our project, in their respective countries, their respective communities and their respective places of everyday life, to win peace and democracy of our country and of course, those of the whole world together.
May 3rd, 2007
(人気blogランキング参加中。応援クリックお願いします。)
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トラックバック
共同声明 『私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します』韓国語版
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- 薫のハムニダ日記
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- toxandriaの日記、アートと社会
村野瀬玲奈さんのレジーム・チェンジ声明文のミニ・バージョン
- 2007/06/08(04:45)
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息苦しさからの脱却
- 2007/06/07(10:55)
- そいつは帽子だ!
共同声明 『私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します』英語版への当ブログの見解
- 2007/06/07(02:41)
- エクソダス2005《脱米救国》国民運動
破産した小泉改革の清算:社会保険庁解体・「公務員改革」・イラク派兵延長 (しんぶん赤旗,2007...
- 2007/06/06(15:45)
- エクソダス2005《脱米救国》国民運動
大谷昭宏氏 「松岡氏の自殺は安倍内閣の死を意味」
- 2007/06/05(06:26)
- きまぐれな日々
最新リアヨロ調査・・・「安倍内閣支持率&党派支持率」
- 2007/06/04(23:51)
- わんばらんす
戦後レジームを脱却したい議員のお考え
- 2007/06/04(22:27)
- ディヴェルティメント
こんなものが教育現場に!中学生向け「靖国礼賛DVD」(日刊ゲンダ...
- 2007/06/04(18:17)
- タカマサのきまぐれ時評
安倍政権;「それでも昔の日本には戻れない」
- 2007/06/04(17:52)
- 花・髪切と思考の浮游空間
一所帯の所得が過去17年で最低に。国民の負担は増加+松岡関連情報+脱北、教育など
- 2007/06/04(15:29)
- 日本がアブナイ!
[参考情報]美しい国の恥ずかしすぎる恥さらし
- 2007/06/04(13:46)
- toxandriaの日記、アートと社会
世にも恐ろしい話
- 2007/06/04(10:36)
- 関係性
サミットにだって「もの申す」べきこと
- 2007/06/04(02:06)
- けんきょカト連(憲法・教育基本法を守ろう!カトリック連絡会)
古関彰一さんの講演
- 2007/06/04(01:33)
- JCJ神奈川支部ブログ
小石川中等教育学校の教育(公民教科書採択)に関する署名にご協力ください
- 2007/06/04(00:28)
- 内申書制度の廃止を求めます
【年金記録漏れ問題】民主党がようやく与党批判の受け皿になりつつある?
- 2007/06/03(23:04)
- ツァラトゥストラはこう言っている?
支持率が35%もあるげな おかしかねぇ~
- 2007/06/03(22:40)
- らんきーブログ
「拉致被害者」ならば「美しき天燃」
- 2007/06/03(21:08)
- Die Weblogtagesschau laut dem Kaetzchen
[芸術の価値]デューラーの「イタリアへの憧憬」と美しい国
- 2007/06/03(20:03)
- toxandriaの日記、アートと社会
私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します 英語版
- 2007/06/03(18:25)
- 私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します
世界人権宣言を読もう...
社会動向を知るための報道機関と個人発信者(随時入れ替え)
●琉球新報
●沖縄タイムス+プラス
●フクナワ _ 〜福井と沖縄、原発と基地のニュースサイト〜 沖縄タイムス x 福井新聞
●Number 1 Shimbun (日本外国特派員協会 FCCJ)
●Japan _ World news _ The Guardian
●Japan News - Japan Facts & Latest News - The New York Times
●BBC - Search results for Japan
●BBC News Japan (@bbcnewsjapan) on Twitter
●Al Jazeera_ Live News
●Japon _ Toute l'actualité sur Le Monde.fr.
●Vu du Japon - Libération
●The Japan Times
●News for the People in Japan
●the hankyoreh japan
●Chosun Online _ 朝鮮日報
●聯合ニュース
●人民網日本語版--人民日報
●カナロコ | 神奈川新聞
●神奈川新聞 on yahoo.jp
●東京新聞
●中日新聞
●しんぶん赤旗
●すくらむ
●editor _ 月刊誌『KOKKO』編集者・井上伸のブログ
●社会科学者の随想
●醍醐聰のブログ
●Everyone says I love you !(メインブログ)
●Everyone says I love you !
●平和憲法のメッセージ (水島朝穂・早稲田大学教授)
●澤藤統一郎の憲法日記
●OSHIDORI Mako&Ken Portal / おしどりポータルサイト
●晴天とら日和
●kojitakenの日記
●みんなどこか変わってるから大丈夫
●SukiyakiSongの日記
●秋原葉月@Iam not Abe(@akiharahaduki) _ Twitter
●Afternoon Cafe
●ガイチ (@gaitifuji) _ Twitter
●金子勝(@masaru_kaneko) _ Twitter
●山崎 雅弘(@mas__yamazaki) _ Twitter
●中林 香(@kaokou11) _ Twitter
●bandeapart72(@bandeapart72) _ Twitter
●宮城 康博(@nagonagu) _ Twitter
●ふるまいよしこ(@furumai_yoshiko) _ Twitter
●masanorinaito (@masanorinaito) _ Twitter
●みなと横浜みなみ区3丁目
●誰かの妄想・はてな版
●Daily Rolling Bean
●みんな楽しくHappy♡がいい♪
●LITERA/リテラ 本と雑誌の知を再発見
●Fukushima 311 Watchdogs
●International news _ euronews, latest international news
●alterglobe.net
●ABYZ News Links : Index : Newspapers and News Media Guide
●海外有名メディアによる安倍政権を批判する記事まとめ - NAVER まとめ
●救援連絡センター 『国家権力による弾圧に対しては、 犠牲者の思想的信条、 政治的見解の如何を問わず、 これを救援する。』
最近のトラックバック
- ペガサス・ミラー:大原騒動,NHK-BSが一揆を詳説 (03/03)
- メモ用ブログ(JCJ神奈川):3・1朝鮮独立運動100周年 2・24東京集会 (03/02)
- ペガサス・ミラー:「不服従のフランス」の旧左翼への批判 - 黄色いベスト運動に関して (02/11)
- #おとなの塚本幼稚園:fc2の政治ブロガーと言えばこの人「村野瀬玲奈の秘書課広報室」 (01/27)
- ペガサス・ミラー:佐賀空港へのオスプレイ配備が具体的な戦争準備であることがなぜ無視されるのか − 「海のノモンハン」の準備 (11/28)
- 政治Ⅱ:-安倍政権を倒そう デモ集会情報- (随時更新) (11/27)
- ペガサス・ミラー:フランスでは労働者,学生,年金生活者が団結 (10/10)
- メモ用ブログ(JCJ神奈川):JCJ神奈川支部例会 若者は今の沖縄をどう見たか (09/29)
- ペガサス・ミラー:山岡俊介氏転落事件についての国境なき記者団の記事を翻訳 (08/30)
- ペガサス・ミラー:安倍首相と暴力団とのつながりの新証拠に沈黙するメディア (08/25)
- toxandoriaの日記、アートと社会:[希望のトポス]定常化を見据えるEU「Potenz経済学」の廻廊に無頓着な日本は、“間違い&ウソ”だらけアベノミクス「男の花道」必3選論などにかまけず<将来人口/年率0.6%減の現実>直視から再出発すべき (08/06)
- ペガサス・ミラー:国会議員700人は国会ではなく被災地に (07/11)
- ペガサス・ミラー:「社会の資源としての労働組合が根こそぎ奪われている」 (07/06)
- ペガサス・ミラー:「法批判 通る前にはやらないの?」 (07/05)
- Stand Up!!:あと一歩… (07/03)
沖縄・辺野古基金
http://muranoserena.blog91.fc2.com/blog-entry-6476.html
■沖縄・辺野古への新しい米軍基地の建設を阻止するための「辺野古基金」が発足。大勢の人の援助と連帯を沖縄に。
http://muranoserena.blog91.fc2.com/blog-entry-6375.html
「日本人の日本」だけが「世の中」じゃない
●ARP|Anti-Racism Project | 反差別の法律・条例など
●外国人名言集@GLOBALPOWER (_GLOBALPOWER) on Twitter
●今 言論・表現の自由があぶない!
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●フリスキーの日記
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●onaironaironair
●bandeapart72 (@bandeapart72) - Twilog
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●イルコモンズのふた。
●『海舌』 the Sea Tongue by Kaisetsu
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●(新)とりあえず
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●ぴんぐーの1日
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●Whoso is not expressly included
●在日コリアンについてのFAQ
●在日コリアンFAQ(β)
●朝鮮人戦時動員FAQ
●朝鮮学校無償化問題FAQ
●朝鮮学校「無償化」除外問題Q&A 金明秀
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●世界の端っこで☆キャンドルを灯すブログ
●空と風と星と詩、そして「ひとり言」
●piccolo BLOG
●へばらぎ
●いち在日朝鮮人kinchanのかなり不定期更新日記
●OCHLOS(オクロス)
●かっちんの青商会物語
●ryang_ryeon_wol (jejudog85) on Twitter
●ここが変だよ在特会(仮)
●在韓広島人、日本を見る
●詩空間(河津聖恵さん)
●河津聖恵 (kiyoekawazu) on Twitter
●生きてることを喜ぶことを罪ではないと信じるなめぴょんさんはロックンロールで悩みを抱えたまま中国と日本で踊る
●毎日がちょっとぼうけん 仕事でワープした中国での生活
●ふるまいよしこ (furumai_yoshiko) @ Twitter
●ファンキー末吉BLOG
●アジアの中の日本、日本の中のアジア
●他国の中の日本、日本の中の他国
●Free Jamal Diary ジャマルさんに難民認定を!
●Free Jamal!
●エクストラレポート・ルーム
●夏天故事
●園良太の日記
●沖縄オルタナティブメディア0
●沖縄から見た日本(地元紙で識るオキナワ)
●沖縄から見た日本(照屋寛徳さん)
●沖縄から見た日本(うまんちゅ揃って県民大会!)
●沖縄から見た日本(ブーゲンビリアさん)
●沖縄から見た日本(亜衣さん)
●沖縄から見た日本(さめさん)
●沖縄から見た日本(shinakosanさん)
●沖縄から見た日本(nagonaguさん=宮城康博さん)
●沖縄から見た日本(宮城康博さん=nagonaguさん)
●沖縄から見た日本(高江から)
●沖縄から見た日本(辺野古から)
●沖縄から見た日本(oki**wa_ma*iさん)
●沖縄から見た日本(市民ボランティア有志のみなさん)
●沖縄から見た日本(ネオキの会)
●沖縄から見た日本(写真で見る・知る)
●沖縄から見た日本(やんばるの風)
●沖縄から見た日本(目取真俊さん)
●美味しい沖縄観光♪
●楽しい沖縄音楽♪
●沖縄タイムス
●琉球新報
●地元紙で識るオキナワ
●Cruel, crazy, beautiful world
●総料理長、どこへでも漂流
●弱い文明 (blog)
●弱い文明 (homepage)
●おこじょの日記
●arkanalの日記
●薔薇、または陽だまりの猫
●るるどの覚書
●つぶやき手帳
●IRREGULAR RHYTHM ASYLUM Blog
●media debugger(旧)
●media debugger(新)
●マスコミに載らない海外記事(新)
●マスコミに載らない海外記事(旧)
●私の闇の奥
●笹田 惣介(@show_you_all) - Twilog
●Black Tokyo
●日本に帰化した有道出人さんのブログ
●ヘフェリン・サンドラ (SandraHaefelin) on Twitter
●(2) Clara Kreft (808Towns) on Twitter
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●パリババ2号 (Yukfra) on Twitter
●Japan focus(英語)
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●TOKYO EYE 東京に住む外国人によるリレーコラム コラム&ブログ ニューズウィーク日本版 オフィシャルサイト
●「今日の日本」(日本についてのフランス語のインターネットニュースメディア)
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●「ル・ジャポン」(フランス語による日本のニュース。文化、言葉についてのニュースが多い)
●「フランス・ジャポン・ネット」(在日フランス語圏人のためのニュースサイト)
●Japon Infos _ Un autre regard sur l'actualité japonaise
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●反戦翻訳団
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●マスコミに載らない海外記事
●Cluttered talk blab blab blab
●TertuliaJapón (TertuliaJapon) @ Twitter
労働問題、貧困・格差問題リンク
●(1) 塩見卓也 (roubenshiomi) on Twitter
●徳武 聡子(司法書士) (Satoko_Tokutake) on Twitter
●いのちと暮らしの相談ナビ
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●ささきりょう (@ssk_ryo) on Twitter
●弁護士 佐々木亮の労働ニュース その先を読み解く - Yahoo!ニュース
●editor _ 月刊誌『KOKKO』編集者・井上伸のブログ
●すくらむ
●くろすろーど
●労働組合ってなにするところ?
●ルンペン放浪記
●水曜夕暮れ官邸前。 《このまますすむと困っちゃう!!》アクション
●シジフォス
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●全国労働基準監督署の所在案内(厚労省サイト)
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●日本労働弁護団
●全国労働組合総連合(全労連)
●労働政策研究・研修機構(JILPT)
●コミュニティ・ユニオン全国ネットワーク
●いじめ・メンタルヘルス労働者支援センター(IMC)
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●NPO法人 POSSE ~労働相談やイベント通じて一緒に「働く」を考えましょう~
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●過労死をなくそう!龍基金
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●まともに生活できる仕事を!人間らしく働きたい!
●日産自動車とたたかう仲間たち
●これからも、海を越えてつながろう
●自立生活サポートセンター もやい
●「労働組合・生存のためのメーデー広島実行委員会」(略称:生存ユニオン広島)
●働き方ネット大阪
●住まいの貧困に取り組むネットワーク ブログ
●東京新聞「生活図鑑」
●東洋経済オンライン:「貧困層をより貧しくする日本の歪んだ所得再配分」
●「格差・貧困は自己責任でなく政治責任である」と唱えていた政府研究所のレポート
生きていくためのお手伝い
法律を身近に
●救援連絡センター 『国家権力による弾圧に対しては、 犠牲者の思想的信条、 政治的見解の如何を問わず、 これを救援する。』
●情報流通促進計画 by ヤメ記者弁護士(ヤメ蚊)(旧ブログ)
●情報流通促進計画by日隅一雄(ヤメ蚊) (新ブログ)
●University of Minnesota Human Rights Library (ミネソタ大学人権図書館)
●長崎人権研究所(旧長崎県部落史研究所)
●外務省 人権外交
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●子ども未来法律事務所(徳岡宏一朗弁護士・宮武嶺先生)
●Everyone says I love you ! 徳岡宏一朗弁護士
●どうなってるんだろう? 子どもの法律(山下敏雅弁護士)
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強く抗議します。
残念に思う閉口少女時代(소녀시대、Girl's Generation) 「소녀시대 '다시 만난 세계」 (Into The New World、また巡り逢えた世界) (不定期連載、「気まぐれK-POPプレイリスト」)平和を作るということ 私は知らなかったのですが,亜無亜危異(アナーキー)は日本最古参のパンク・バンドだそうで公然と天皇批判をした「東京イズバーニング」という曲を歌っています。
「Takeshi首相になった63歳児スキャンダルがなくなった社会 こんな笑い話があります。
商人がみそかに掛け取りにきたが,中から声がして留守だという。その声が主人らしいので,掛け取りは障子に穴をあけて中を覗いてみると主人Takeshi自民党・豊田真由子衆議院議員が秘書に加えた暴力がすさまじい。佐川宣寿も同類 精神科医の片田洙美氏は「高学歴モンスター 一流大学卒の迷惑な人たち」(小学館新書)の後書きに次のように述べています。
国会で答弁した当時は(佐川宣寿は)財務Takeshi自民党・豊田真由子衆議院議員が秘書に加えた暴力がすさまじい。高学歴モンスター 精神科医である片田洙美氏が「高学歴モンスター 一流大学卒の迷惑な人たち」(小学館新書)で豊田真由子元衆議院議員のことを的確に分析・整理していたので紹介します。Takeshi天皇制は日本国民分断の象徴だと思える。君主主義と民主主義は両立するのか。 天皇機関説が論争になっていたころ,天皇陛下を機関車に例えるとはなにごとか,と憤慨した人がいたそうです。今で言うネトウヨのさきがけでしょうか。
渡辺錠太郎教育Takeshi日米貿易協定(日米FTA)は将来、日本の産業と国民生活の多くの面に悪影響を及ぼす。反対。ローマ法王が来てますね。ローマ法王がいま来てさんざんテレビに出てますが、何故、核を落としたかが問題です。朝鮮半島が分断したままであるのは、核の投下があったからだと私は考えています。柿ノ木潜蔵日米貿易協定(日米FTA)は将来、日本の産業と国民生活の多くの面に悪影響を及ぼす。反対。韓国と北朝鮮。韓国とは、日韓併合前の状態に戻そうとして大日本帝国から独立した勢力であり、北朝鮮とは、日韓併合後の大日本帝国の状態をそのまま維持しようとする勢力なのかと私には思柿ノ木潜蔵。日本における愛国者のお手本No title>>#日本の愛国者は他人の財産、生活、生命、思想を犠牲にして自分の利益を増大させることができなければならない。
非常に的を射ていると思いますが、あえてもう一どんぱ嫌韓の代償を払う日本日露戦争開戦前、韓国は中立を表明していたが、日本は開戦後に韓国に戦争の協力を求め、第一次日韓協約を締結する。日露戦争後に結ばれたポーツマス条約で日本は韓国に対する指柿ノ木潜蔵。ある素敵な国歌No titleコメントの皆様も含めて、すごく興味深く読ませていただきました。
私も、30年近く前に、一度だけ生で歌と踊りを聞いたことがあります。子どもにしてはチケットが高価でDANGER MELON嫌韓の代償を払う日本差別をする人差別をする人は、それだけで十分幼稚ですので、経済とか立地条件とか、商売とか、難しいことわかんないんですね。
小学生でも差別は最低だって、知ってるんですけどね。DANGER MELON日米貿易協定(日米FTA)は将来、日本の産業と国民生活の多くの面に悪影響を及ぼす。反対。国民の生活は破壊されます安倍自民党政権が進める日米貿易協定(日米FTA)によって日本国民の生活はどうなるか。
弱肉強食、格差拡大に拍車がかかりその結果、
ホームレスor行き倒れ等の餓死者or刑閉口日米貿易協定(日米FTA)は将来、日本の産業と国民生活の多くの面に悪影響を及ぼす。反対。日米FTAについての記事ありがとうございます日米FTAについて、いろいろととりあげていただいて、
まことに感謝します。
ありがとうございます。
良い仕事しています。
お忙しいなか、おつかれさまでした。かせだ勝太嫌韓の代償を払う日本朝鮮人に恣意的に日本国籍を付与・剥奪してきた日本政府 1910年の韓国併合により,朝鮮人は自らの意思にかかわりなく日本国籍を持つ「帝国臣民」として取り扱われることになりました。
日本政府は朝鮮戦争勃発後,在朝日本人Takeshi嫌韓の代償を払う日本日米FTAはどうしました?日韓関係の事も大いに取り上げたらいいと思います。
しかしながら、以前貴ブログで何度か取り上げたはずの、日米FTA、いままさに国会で、衆議院本会議で11月19日にも採決さかせだ勝太日本政府・行政お抱えの広報機関となっている、笑えない吉本興業NHKなど主要マスコミ桜を見る会の報道については、こちらなどではアベチャンネルなどと揶揄されるNHKが意外と頑張っているという見方を見ることがあります。
今、とても大切な押し切れるかもsuterakusoローマ法王が元従軍慰安婦の被害者女性と面会ローマ教皇フランシスコまもなく来日 ローマ教皇フランシスコがまもなく来日するにそなえて,学校法人上智学院は2019年10月26日にマスコミを対象としたミニ講義と質疑応答を上智大学で実施しました。答えたのTakeshi首相になった63歳児ちょっと作ってみました。 ちょっと俳句を作ってみました。、
季語がないのはご容赦ください。
・ 野次言うな こんな人たち 拘束し
・ 野次言うぞ 安倍が手をすり 足をする
・ Takeshi鳥取県の女性差別的婚活パンフヨルダンにおける女性を抑圧する男性後見人制度に関心を持とう。 ヨルダンにおいては,女性が婚外での性交渉や後見人の許可を得ない無断外出をすれば,当局に拘禁されたり「処女テスト」を強要されるおそれがあります。婚外で出産すればTakeshi嫌韓の代償を払う日本「在日韓国・朝鮮人」とは 金村詩恩さん(1991年生まれの日本籍在日コリアン3世)が次のように述べています。
「わたし,『北朝鮮』じゃなくて,『朝鮮』って言ってほしいんですよね」。
民族Takeshi嫌韓の代償を払う日本3・1独立運動100周年をめぐる韓日政府の動き 長尾有起氏(日本基督教団から韓国基督教長老会へ派遣されたミッション・コーワーカー,いわゆる宣教師)は次のように述べています。
この原稿の依頼をいただいた際,Takeshi嫌韓の代償を払う日本「反日」と「嫌韓」 長尾有起氏(日本基督教団から韓国基督教長老会へ派遣されたミッション・ワーカー,いわゆる宣教師)が次のように述べています。
日本に一時帰国すると,韓国におけるTakeshi嫌韓の代償を払う日本韓日関係悪化を憂慮する石破茂衆議院議員 佐藤優氏は,石破茂衆議院議員について,次のように触れています。
<石破氏は記者団の取材に応じ,泥沼化する日韓関係の悪化に触れ,安倍政権の対応ぶりを念頭に,Takeshi嫌韓の代償を払う日本女性差別的な安部政権 菊地夏野氏(名古屋市立大学教員)は,安倍政権は女性差別的であると論じています。
まず,「慰安婦」問題がここまで紛糾しているのは,日本政府の政治的責任が大きTakeshi嫌韓の代償を払う日本歴史修正主義の戦略 倉橋耕平氏(立命館大学ほか非常勤講師)があいちトリエンナーレをめぐる騒動は「歴史修正主義の大勝利」であると論じました。
歴史修正主義が「歴史を見直すくらいTakeshi天皇制は日本国民分断の象徴だと思える。象徴としての天皇(2) インターネットを見ると,安部は天皇を政治利用していると言う人がいるが,それは本質を見誤っている,象徴というものは政治利用されるものなのである,と指摘した人がいTakeshi鳥取県の女性差別的婚活パンフヒジャブ着用に抗議して逮捕されたイラン女性を救おう! 2019年3月8日の国際女性デーに,イランの女優であるヤサマン・アリヤニさんは地下鉄の車両にヒジャブを脱いで乗り込みました。そして,「いつの日か,すべての女性が好きTakeshi嫌韓の代償を払う日本代償を払うのは当然の帰結日本帝国主義支配の犠牲者である徴用工。
安倍政権は日韓基本条約で解決済みという立場をとっています。
(日韓基本条約は1965年6月、韓国内の激しい反対運動を無視し閉口