現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対する共同声明文の英語版
- 2007/06/03
- 17:55
http://kokumintouhyou.blog98.fc2.com/
です。
下に掲載するのは、「私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します」の共同声明文の英語訳です。
日本語による原文は
私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します
の中のこちらのエントリー
http://kokumintouhyou.blog98.fc2.com/blog-entry-27.html
でごらんください。
すでに
http://kokumintouhyou.blog98.fc2.com/blog-entry-28.html
で署名をしてくださった方々の言葉はとても励みになっています。ありがとうございます。まだの方は今からでもこちらのコメント欄に署名をお願いいたします。
http://kokumintouhyou.blog98.fc2.com/blog-entry-28.html
これでフランス語、中国語、今回の英語訳が
私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します
http://kokumintouhyou.blog98.fc2.com/
にそろいましたが、ほかの言語(ドイツ語など...)への翻訳のできる方もつのっております。
そして、もちろん、この英語版のご利用、転送、転載を歓迎します。みなさんの中で外国に友人や知り合いがいらっしゃる方も海外にこの共同声明を流すようにお願いいたします。法学者、日本研究家、ジャーナリスト、新聞社などに伝わればなおベターです。もちろん、「私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します」ブログの共同管理者たちも努力いたします。
最初に、「カナダde日本語」の美爾依さんのお知り合いのカナダ人の方が手を加えてくださったネイティブチェック入りヴァージョン。
美爾依さんの記事はこちら
http://minnie111.blog40.fc2.com/blog-entry-505.html
そして、その後に、参考までに、私が手がけた(汗)ネイティブチェック前のヴァージョン。
両方残すのは私の勉強のためです。(^^;
The Japanese government and the parties in power are revising the Japanese constitution, under the slogan: "release Japan from its political regime of the post-war period". In fact, their intention is to remove the constitutional constraints imposed upon the political and administrative power of the State. Indeed, their plan of this "regime change" is hidden in the draft of the "new constitution" published by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) on October 28, 2005.
The reasons why we are against the regime change are as follows:
First, it reserves the fundamental human rights and civil freedom on the pretext of the priority to "the public interest", a reduction or a substantial suspension of the pacifist principle and a relaxing or a substantial abrogation of the principle of the separation of the religion and the politics. This means an anti-democratic change of the fundamental lines of the Japanese constitution which has its three principles: "popular sovereignty", "pacifism" and "the respect of the fundamental human rights".
Second, article 96 of the current Japanese constitution stipulates the reform of the current constitution which is rigid will be modified too, so that the government can revise the constitution by own initiative and a parliamentary vote, without any procedure of validation by the Japanese people, in a right and equitable way. With such a change of this article, the Japanese constitution will lose its rigid character substantially and the government will have the power to change this constitution, even its fundamental lines, any time and in any way, to suit the government's own convenience, regardless of the intentions of the the Japanese people.
These two points make us believe that this constitutional revision under the slogan: "release Japan from its political regime of the post-war period", will not be limited only to a partial modification of some articles but that it will be also a full-scale revision of all the constitution. In other words, we think that this constitutional revision is an announcement of an antidemocratic change in Japan. If such a constitutional revision as the government and the parties currently in power imagine they carriy this out, The constitution of Japan will be something completely different, with its democratic principles and its constitutional characteristic weakened.
Indeed, from a democratic point of view, the political behavior of the LDP which constitutes a majority in Parliament and government, currently shows many dangerous concrete signs. In particular, since the 1990's, the LDP is gradually following nationalist policies, which consist in giving priority to military affairs, while mobilizing the power of the State more easily and restricting fundamental human rights. The executives of the government and the parties currently in power, in particular the LDP, hoist their slogan: "release Japan from its political regime of the post-war period", while neglecting the fundamental law which is the current constitution of Japan, following the draft of October 28th, 2005, of its "new constitution" and acting as if there were not their obligation for the regent, the ministers of State, the members of the Diet, the judges and all the other civil servants to respect and defend the current constitution, which is stipulated in the article 99. These deputies of the LDP reproach the current constitution, in an abstract and unilateral way, pretending that it does not correspond to the times. They claim unceasingly and obstinately, that human rights support selfishness and give bad influences to public order and moral standards. They interpret the constitution forcibly in their favor. Moreover, many policies which are already applied or which are prepared or planned transgress the principles of the constitution, to the extent that we dare to consider them anti-constitutional. We observe all that, day after day and we have sufficiently realistic doubts.
From these facts, we can conclude that the Japanese government and the parties currently in power aim at a full-scale constitutional revision, in order to allow them to deny its constitutional character which should consist in giving orders to the State on behalf of the Japanese people and on the other hand, in order to allow them to give orders unilaterally to the people on behalf of the State.
Obviously, only one constitutional revision will not complete a "regime change" sacrificing democracy and constitutionalism. In the same way, the Japanese who aspire for peace and freedom, and Japanese society that they constitute will perhaps not change immediately their behavior and direction towards dangerous totalitarianism. However, with the intentions of this total constitutional revision by the LDP, it will be inevitable that the framework of the legal system to prevent Japan from moving towards the antidemocratic and anti-constitutional direction would not be valid anymore. Moreover, it is undeniable that such a regime change will shift the conscience and the political behavior of the population to an antidemocratic direction in the medium and long term, Japan has experienced totalitarianism and militarism during the Second World War. In the current situation, an undeniable part of Japanese journalism supports this attempt of the LDP to revise the constitution, consciously serving the directing and arbitrary statements of the government. And as mentioned before, we cannot qualify this attempt as democratic nor constitutional. If such a regime change is accomplished in this situation, it will be a deeply serious error for Japan and the international community in the future. We can easily imagine it, if we have a look on the irresponsible attitude of the Japanese political parties in power and on their lack of a humanitarian point of view about the sexual slaves of the Japanese imperial army during the Second World War which created a worldwide sensation recently.
Another more important and worrying thing is the current relations between the USA and Japan. Actually, since the cold war between the east and the west which lasted one half-century, and now that the wave of globalization reigns in the whole world, many agreements were established by the requests from the United States, in order to support and supplement the military strategy of the United States. There are, for example, the conclusion of the "Treaty of mutual cooperation and security between Japan and the United States of America" (1960), "the Guidelines for U.S.-Japan Defense Co-operation" (1997), the Armitage report (the official name: "INSS Special Report", 2000), "The U.S.-Japan Regulatory Reform and Competition Policy Initiative", an enormous expenditure paid by Japan for restructuring of the American military forces remaining in Japan, and the attempts of modification of the interpretation of the Japanese constitution by the Japanese government to widen the extent of the right of collective self-defense, and so on. As time passed, all these agreements substantially destroyed the respect for the articles of the Japanese constitution which should be superior law to these rules. Moreover, the sovereignty which should belong to the people is also transmitted gradually to the State. Indeed, the current full-scale revision of the constitution by the Japanese government is about to finalize its ultimate objective in an unconcealed way.
Thus, the Japanese people now are faced with a danger to submit to the interest of the government and that of the current parties in power which form an integral unity in the ally, the United States, politically and diplomatically. That means at the same time that Japan will lose its own sovereignty and that it will become a substantial possession of the United States in their military strategy. Thus, the current Japanese Self-Defence Forces will be obligatorily brought unilaterally to follow the military strategy of the United States, like a dependent troop.
It is regrettable that this full-scale constitutional revision or "this establishment of a new constitution" is in progress, whereas a majority of the Japanese people do not understand its purposes well. The reason for that is that the majority of the Japanese people would be opposed to this constitutional revision if they really understood the intention of the Japanese government and that of the parties currently in power. Indeed, we do not want a Japanese military force to be deployed abroad to serve the United States' military strategy acting always in an unilateralist way. We do not want Japanese people's blood and that of the people of the world to run in wars, either.
Let us take a look at the history of Japan. The purpose of the LDP, that has his root in dominating political groups in power before and during the Second World War and that was almost all the time in power also after this war, is to establish its "new voluntary constitution" denying the current democratic constitution which was written just after the defeat of Japan in the Second World War. And now, Shinzo Abe, grandson of Nobusuke Kishi who was one of the political personalities with the highest responsibility for the Japanese colonialist invasion into the other Asian countries under the pretext of creation of a "Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere" and for the policies applied during the occupation of Japan by the United States after the war, is about to execute the idea of his grandfather, carrying out his dangerous intrigues. Shinzo Abe, just after his installation as the Prime Minister in September 2006, announced his slogan: "release Japan from its political regime of the post-war period", which was not explicitly shown as an electoral promise of the LDP on the preceding legislative elections of the House of Representatives in August 2005. On that occasion, Abe announced clearly that he would quickly carry out his idea concretely with constitutional reform. And the LDP, to which he belongs and which has an absolute majority of the seats, strongly push this action. We are sure to say that it is a violent negation of the fundamental values of our country in a democracy, which normally should have its principle of popular sovereignty and its constitutional principle.
Now, Japan is one of the biggest economic powers of the world and it has an important influence on the international community. Thus, if Japan reduces or denies its own democracy explicitly and intentionally, it will be a great threat for the peace of the world. We must not let a fascistic tyranny which had led the world to a tragedy in 1930's reproduce in Japan in the 21st century. This is our will, because we reflect deeply on the dreadful damage caused by the erroneous war in the past, because we are doubtful of the nationalist policies put into force by the current Japanese government and of their non-democratic characters and because we fear that Japan represents a threat and a nationalist despotism in the future. Once again, this is our will from each one of us, because we believe in the true democracy.
"We oppose the "bill on the procedures of constitutional reform (the law on the referendum)" that the Japanese government and the parties currently in power aim at adopting, for the following reasons: "
From the very beginning, the purpose of the constitution should be to guarantee the right to control. The power of the State to the people. Precisely, the procedures of constitutional reform should be right, equitable, clear, transparent, conform to the fundamental principles of the democracy which are popular with the people, and respect for the fundamental human rights. Firstly, for this objective, it is necessary for the referendum in the procedures of constitutional reform, reflect public opinion as exactly as possible. Secondly, it is necessary for the people to have a free access to as varied political opinions as possible, for an apt decision on behalf of the people. Thirdly, it is necessary for free and equitable popular movements for the referendum to be assured, so that wide and thorough popular discussions might be possible. From this point of view, the bill currently proposed by the government and the parties currently in power does not seem to satisfy the conditions of a right, equitable, clear and transparent referendum, mentioned previously. The reasons are as follows:
1. The bill on the referendum (bill on the procedures of constitutional reform) does not stipulate the minimum rate of participation so that the referendum is valid. For example, only voices of 20% of the voters will be able to approve a reform of articles. (Thus, the constitutional and democratic principles of the constitution could be easily modified.)
2. In this bill on the referendum, limitations with some sanctions might be an obstacle to the freedom of opinion and sanctions are likely to be applied arbitrarily by the government. (These sanctions and these limitations could be disadvantageous only to people defending the constitution in force.)
3. Equity for the people to make a deliberate judgment on proposed projects of constitutional reforms is not assured in terms of public relations. (As the number of participants in the council for public relations for the referendum and publicities paid by the public money will be allotted almost purely proportionally to the number of the seats at the Parliament, the political parties which have more seats will have unilaterally disproportionate advantages. Moreover, unbounded paying publicities will favor unilaterally fortunate parties.)
4. The period from the proposal of the project of constitutional reform at the Parliament until the referendum is too short. (It is not sure that the people can make an informed judgment.)
5. The mode of the poll on the referendum is ambiguous. (An arbitrary leading by grouping of articles on the vote should be avoided and each voter should make judgments article by article. But these points are not clearly defined in the bill suggested by the government and the parties currently in power.)
"We oppose any antidemocratic regime change by the current Japanese government and we ask for a development and a concretization of the democratic principles of the Japanese constitution in force."
We oppose any regime change which the current Japanese government is aiming at and which will permit Japan to make war without reserve by the intention of the political parties in power and that of the leaders of the government.
We want to prevent Japan by all means from transforming itself back into an antidemocratic or anti-constitutional country.
We aspire to the development of democratic principles, which are popular with the Japanese people. Pacifism and respect for fundamental human rights, the concretization of values of the present Japanese constitution.
We want to share the fruits of peace and democracy in Japan, with all peoples of the world.
We believe that this is also the will of the peoples of the world who aspires to freedom and peace, wishing to defend and develop democracy.
The LDP currently in power announced their will of a "regime change" and now that they are about to start constitutional reform (the law on the referendum), there is not much time left to resist it.
We address this message to the whole world, hoping that our will holds well in the face of the judgment of history. We also hope that our actions will open a way which will bring all the international community to the next stage towards peace. We sincerely ask all the people of the world of good will to unite in front of our project, in their respective countries, their respective communities and their respective places of everyday life, to win peace and democracy for our country and of course, those of the world together.
May 3rd, 2007
(以上、ネイティブチェック入りの英訳でした。)
-------------------------------------------------------------
(以下はネイティブチェック前の村野瀬訳。恥ずかしながら参考までに。)
May 3rd, 2007
"We oppose any antidemocratic change of the political regime of Japan"
"We oppose the total revision of the Japanese constitution in progress by the current Japanese government."
At present, the Japanese government and the parties in power aim at revising the Japanese constitution, under the slogan: "release of Japan from its political regime of the post-war period". In fact, their most important goal is to remove the constitutional constraints imposed upon the political and administrative power of the State. Indeed, the intention of this "regime change" is written discreetly in the draft of the "new constitution" published on October 28, 2005 by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) which is in power.
Firstly, are written in this draft a reserve of the fundamental human rights and civil freedom on the pretext of the priority to "the public interest", a reduction or a substantial suspension of the pacifist principle and a relaxing or a substantial abrogation of the principle of the separation of the religion and the politics. This means an antidemocratic change of the fundamental lines of the Japanese constitution which has its three principles: "popular sovereignty", "pacifism" and "the respect of the fundamental human rights".
Secondly, in this draft, the article 96 of the current Japanese constitution stipulating the reform of the current constitution which is a rigid one is modified too, so that the government can revise the constitution only by its initiative and a parliamentary vote, without any procedure to validate the intentions of the sovereign who is the Japanese people in a right and equitable way. With such a change of this article, the Japanese constitution will lose its rigid character substantially and the government will have the power to change this constitution, even its fundamental lines, any time and in any way, to suit the government's own convenience, regardless of the intentions of the sovereign who is the Japanese people.
These two points make us believe that this constitutional revision under the slogan: "release of Japan from its political regime of the post-war period", will not be limited only to a partial modification of some articles but that it will be also a full-scale revision of all the constitution. In other words, we think that this constitutional revision is an announcement of an antidemocratic change of the political regime of Japan. If such a constitutional revision as the government and the parties currently in power imagine it is carried out this time, the constitution of Japan will be something completely different, with its democratic principle and its constitutional characteristic weakened.
Indeed, from the democratic point of view, the political behavior of the LDP which constitutes a majority of the Parliament and government currently shows many dangerous concrete signs. In particular, since the 1990's, the LDP is gradually following nationalist policies, which consist in giving priority to the military affairs, while mobilizing the power of the State more easily and restricting fundamental human rights. The executives of the government and the parties currently in power, in particular the direction of the LDP, hoist their slogan: "release of Japan from its political regime of the post-war period", while neglecting the fundamental law which is the current constitution of Japan, following the draft of October 28th, 2005, of its "new constitution" and acting as if there were not their obligation for the regent, the ministers of State, the members of the Diet, the judges and all the other civil servants to respect and defend the current constitution, which is stipulated in the article 99. These deputies of the LDP reproach the current constitution, in an abstract and unilateral way, pretending that it does not correspond to the times. They claim unceasingly and obstinately that the human rights support selfishness and give bad influences to the public order and the moral standard. They interpret the constitution forcibly in their favor. Moreover, many policies which are already applied or which are prepared or planned transgress the principles of the constitution, to the extent that we dare to consider them anticonstitutional. We observe all that day after day and we have sufficiently realistic doubts.
From these facts, we can conclude that the Japanese government and the parties currently in power aim at a full-scale constitutional revision, in order to allow them to deny its constitutional character which should consist in giving orders to the State on behalf of the sovereign who is the Japanese people and on the other hand, in order to allow them to give orders unilaterally to the people on behalf of the State.
Obviously, only one constitutional revision will not complete a "regime change" sacrificing the democracy and the constitutionalism. In the same way, the Japanese who aspire peace and freedom, and the Japanese society that they constitute will perhaps not change immediately their behavior and direction towards dangerous totalitarianism. However, with the intentions of this total constitutional revision by the LDP, it will be inevitable that the framework of the legal system to prevent Japan to go towards the antidemocratic and anti-constitutional direction would not be valid anymore. Moreover, it is undeniable that such a regime change will shift the conscience and the political behavior of the population towards an antidemocratic direction in the medium and long term, as Japan has experienced it in totalitarianism and militarism during the Second World War. In the current situation, an undeniable part of Japanese journalism supports this attempt of the LDP to revise the constitution, consciously or serving the directing and arbitrary statement of the government. And as mentioned before, we cannot qualify this attempt as democratic nor constitutional. If such a regime change is accomplished in this situation, it will be a deeply serious error for Japan and the international community in the future. And we can easily imagine it, if we have a look on the irresponsible attitude of the Japanese political party in power and on their lack of humanitarian point of view about the sexual slaves of the Japanese imperial army during the Second World War which created a worldwide sensation recently.
Another more important and worrying thing is the current relation between the USA and Japan. Actually, since the cold war between the east and the west which lasted one half-century, and now that the wave of globalization reigns in the whole world, many agreements were established by the requests from the United States, in order to support and supplement the military strategy of the United States on each occasion. There are, for example, the conclusion of the "Treaty of mutual cooperation and security between Japan and the United States of America" (1960), "the Guidelines for U.S.-Japan Defense Co-operation" (1997), the Armitage report (the official name: "INSS Special Report", 2000), "The U.S.-Japan Regulatory Reform and Competition Policy Initiative", an enormous expenditure paid by Japan for restructuring of the American military forces remaining in Japan, and the attempts of modification of the interpretation of the Japanese constitution by the Japanese government to widen the extent of the right of collective self-defense, and so on. As time passed, all these agreements substantially destroyed the respect for the articles of the Japanese constitution which should be a superior law to these rules. Moreover, the sovereignty which should belong to the people is also transmitted gradually to the State. Indeed, the current full-scale revision of the constitution by the Japanese government is about to finalize its ultimate objective in an unconcealed way.
Thus, the Japanese people now are faced with a danger to submit to the interest of the government and that of the current parties in power which form an integral unity in the ally, the United States, politically and diplomatically. That means at the same time that Japan will lose its own sovereignty and that it will become a substantial possession of the United States in their military strategy. Thus, the current Japanese Self-Defence Forces will be obligatorily brought unilaterally to follow the military strategy of the United States, like a dependent troop.
It is regrettable that this full-scale constitutional revision or "this establishment of a new constitution" is in progress, whereas a majority of the Japanese people does not understand its purposes well. The reason for that is that the majority of the Japanese people would be opposed to this constitutional revision if they really understood the intention of the Japanese government and that of the parties currently in power. Indeed, we do not want the Japanese military force to be deployed abroad to serve the United States' military strategy acting always in an unilateralist way. We do not want the Japanese people's blood and that of the people of the world to run in wars, either.
Let us take a look at the history of Japan. The purpose of the LDP, that has his root in dominating political groups in power before and during the Second World War and that was almost all the time in power also after this war, is to establish its "new voluntary constitution" denying the current democratic constitution which was written just after the defeat of Japan in the Second World War. And now, Shinzo Abe, grandson of Nobusuke Kishi who was one of the political personalities with the highest responsibility for the Japanese colonialist invasion into the other Asian countries under the pretext of creation of a "prosperous territory of the Large Eastern Asia" and for the policies applied during the occupation of Japan by the United States after the war, is about to execute the idea of his grandfather, carrying out his dangerous intrigues. Shinzo Abe, just after his installation as the Prime Minister in September 2006, announced his slogan: "release of Japan from its political regime of the post-war period", which was not explicitly shown as an electoral promise of the LDP on the preceding legislative elections of the House of Representatives in August 2005. On that occasion, Abe announced clearly that he would quickly carry out his idea concretely with a constitutional reform. And the LDP, to which he belongs and which has an absolute majority of the seats, strongly push this action. We are sure to say that it is a violent negation of the fundamental values of our country in a democracy which normally should have its principle of popular sovereignty and its constitutional principle.
Now, Japan is one of the biggest economic powers of the world and it has an important influence on the international community. Thus, if Japan reduces or denies its own democracy explicitly and intentionally, it will be a great threat for the peace of the world. We must not let a fascistic tyranny which had led the world to a tragedy in 1930's reproduce in Japan in the 21st century. This is our will, because we reflect deeply on the dreadful damage caused by the erroneous war in the past, because we are doubtful of the nationalist policies put into force by the current Japanese government and of their non-democratic characters and because we fear that Japan represents a threat and a nationalist despotism in the future. Once again, this is our will from each one of us, because we believe in the true democracy.
"We oppose the "bill on the procedures of constitutional reform (the law on the referendum)" that the Japanese government and the parties currently in power aim at adopting, for the following reasons: "
From the very beginning, the purpose of the constitution should be to guarantee the right to control the power of the State to the sovereign people. Precisely, the procedures of constitutional reform should be right, equitable, clear, transparent, conform to the fundamental principles of the democracy which are popular sovereignty and the respect of the fundamental human rights. Firstly, for this objective, it is necessary for the referendum in the procedures of constitutional reform to reflect the public opinion as exactly as possible. Secondly, it is necessary for the people to have a free access to as varied political opinions as possible, for an apt decision on behalf of the people. Thirdly, it is necessary for free and equitable popular movements for the referendum to be assured, so that wide and thorough popular discussions might be possible. From this point of view, the bill currently proposed by the government and the parties currently in power does not seem to satisfy the conditions of a right, equitable, clear and transparent referendum, mentioned previously. The reasons are as follows:
1. The bill on the referendum (bill on the procedures of constitutional reform) does not stipulate the minimum rate of participation so that the referendum is valid. For example, only voices of 20% of the voters will be able to approve a reform of articles. (Thus, the constitutional and democratic principles of the constitution are very easily likely to be modified.)
2. In this bill on the referendum, limitations with some sanctions might be an obstacle to the freedom of opinion and sanctions are likely to be applied arbitrarily by the government. (These sanctions and these limitations could be disadvantageous only to people defending the constitution in force.)
3. Equity for the people to make a deliberate judgment on proposed projects of constitutional reforms is not assured in terms of public relations. (As the number of participants in the council for public relations for the referendum and publicities paid by the public money will be allotted almost purely proportionally to the number of the seats at the Parliament, the political parties which have more seats will have unilaterally disproportionate advantages. Moreover, unbounded paying publicities will favor unilaterally fortunate parties.)
4. The period from the proposal of the project of constitutional reform at the Parliament until the referendum is too short. (It is not sure that the people can make their deliberate judgment.)
5. The mode of the poll on the referendum is ambiguous. (An arbitrary leading by grouping of articles on the vote should be avoided and each voter should make judgments article by article. But these points are not clearly defined in the bill suggested by the government and the parties currently in power.)
"We oppose any antidemocratic regime change by the current Japanese government and we ask for a development and a concretization of the democratic principles of the Japanese constitution in force."
We oppose any regime change which the current Japanese government is aiming at and which will permit Japan to make war without reserve by the intention of the political parties in power and that of the leaders of the government.
We want to prevent Japan by all means from transforming itself into an antidemocratic or anti-constitutional country.
We aspire to a development of the democratic principles which are popular sovereignty, the pacifism and the respect for the fundamental human rights, by a concretization of the values of the Japanese constitution in force.
We want to share fruits of peace and democracy of Japan with all peoples of the whole world.
We believe that this is also the will of all the peoples of the world who aspires to freedom and peace, wishing to defend and develop the democracy.
Now that the LDP currently in power which takes part in the government announced their will of a "regime change" and now that they are about to start their procedures of constitutional reform (the law on the referendum), there is not much time left to resist it.
We address this message to the whole world, hoping that our will holds well in the face of the judgment of the history. We also hope that our action will open a way which will bring all the international community to the next stage towards peace. We sincerely ask all the people of the whole world of good will to unite in front of our project, in their respective countries, their respective communities and their respective places of everyday life, to win peace and democracy of our country and of course, those of the whole world together.
May 3rd, 2007
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トラックバック
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息苦しさからの脱却
- 2007/06/07(10:55)
- そいつは帽子だ!
共同声明 『私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します』英語版への当ブログの見解
- 2007/06/07(02:41)
- エクソダス2005《脱米救国》国民運動
破産した小泉改革の清算:社会保険庁解体・「公務員改革」・イラク派兵延長 (しんぶん赤旗,2007...
- 2007/06/06(15:45)
- エクソダス2005《脱米救国》国民運動
大谷昭宏氏 「松岡氏の自殺は安倍内閣の死を意味」
- 2007/06/05(06:26)
- きまぐれな日々
最新リアヨロ調査・・・「安倍内閣支持率&党派支持率」
- 2007/06/04(23:51)
- わんばらんす
戦後レジームを脱却したい議員のお考え
- 2007/06/04(22:27)
- ディヴェルティメント
こんなものが教育現場に!中学生向け「靖国礼賛DVD」(日刊ゲンダ...
- 2007/06/04(18:17)
- タカマサのきまぐれ時評
安倍政権;「それでも昔の日本には戻れない」
- 2007/06/04(17:52)
- 花・髪切と思考の浮游空間
一所帯の所得が過去17年で最低に。国民の負担は増加+松岡関連情報+脱北、教育など
- 2007/06/04(15:29)
- 日本がアブナイ!
[参考情報]美しい国の恥ずかしすぎる恥さらし
- 2007/06/04(13:46)
- toxandriaの日記、アートと社会
世にも恐ろしい話
- 2007/06/04(10:36)
- 関係性
サミットにだって「もの申す」べきこと
- 2007/06/04(02:06)
- けんきょカト連(憲法・教育基本法を守ろう!カトリック連絡会)
古関彰一さんの講演
- 2007/06/04(01:33)
- JCJ神奈川支部ブログ
小石川中等教育学校の教育(公民教科書採択)に関する署名にご協力ください
- 2007/06/04(00:28)
- 内申書制度の廃止を求めます
【年金記録漏れ問題】民主党がようやく与党批判の受け皿になりつつある?
- 2007/06/03(23:04)
- ツァラトゥストラはこう言っている?
支持率が35%もあるげな おかしかねぇ~
- 2007/06/03(22:40)
- らんきーブログ
「拉致被害者」ならば「美しき天燃」
- 2007/06/03(21:08)
- Die Weblogtagesschau laut dem Kaetzchen
[芸術の価値]デューラーの「イタリアへの憧憬」と美しい国
- 2007/06/03(20:03)
- toxandriaの日記、アートと社会
私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します 英語版
- 2007/06/03(18:25)
- 私たちは現日本政府の体制変革(レジームチェンジ)に反対します
世界人権宣言を読もう...
社会動向を知るための報道機関と個人発信者(随時入れ替え)
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●海外有名メディアによる安倍政権を批判する記事まとめ - NAVER まとめ
●救援連絡センター 『国家権力による弾圧に対しては、 犠牲者の思想的信条、 政治的見解の如何を問わず、 これを救援する。』
●国会議員白書
最近のトラックバック
- メモ用ブログ(JCJ神奈川):JCJ(神奈川支部)オンライン講演会 ヘイト批判報道 スラップ訴訟を闘って (03/16)
- やさぐれ戦記:パソナって (02/12)
- 村野瀬玲奈の秘書課広報室:自らの政策判断の間違いを議会演説で謝罪する立派な政治家の尊敬に値する姿 (02/04)
- メモ用ブログ(JCJ神奈川):安保3文書閣議決定の社説 (01/02)
- 村野瀬玲奈の秘書課広報室:民間基金に頼る「子どもの貧困対策」は政治の放棄。子どもに食事を与えず自分だけがたらふく食べている大人のような日本国と日本人です。 (3) (10/15)
- 村野瀬玲奈の秘書課広報室:日本の少子化の大きな原因はジェンダー不平等と貧富の格差拡大、つまり自民党政治である。 (10/15)
- 政治Ⅱ:ロシアのウクライナ侵攻について (02/25)
- 村野瀬玲奈の秘書課広報室:1月27日、アウシュヴィッツ・ビルケナウ絶滅強制収容所の解放の日 (01/27)
- 村野瀬玲奈の秘書課広報室:「野党は批判ばかりでダメだ」と言われたら、「批判は現状の改善のため。批判を忌み嫌うなら、それは現状の改善を忌み嫌うということ」と返そう。 #参院選2022 (01/06)
- 村野瀬玲奈の秘書課広報室:「反対ばかりの野党」と揶揄された時に、野党がとるべき毅然とした態度の例 #参院選2022 (01/06)
- 村野瀬玲奈の秘書課広報室:日本人の反戦意識の弱さをひしひしと感じさせる世論調査 (10/03)
- 村野瀬玲奈の秘書課広報室:日本人は好戦的な国民であることを示唆する国際世論調査 (10/03)
- 村野瀬玲奈の秘書課広報室:日本国民にはPCR検査を実施したがらないのに自党の議員と職員と家族にだけは党費でPCR検査を実施する自民党 (09/10)
- 村野瀬玲奈の秘書課広報室:日本国民にはPCR検査を実施したがらないのに自党の議員と職員と家族にだけは党費でPCR検査を実施する自民党 (09/10)
- 村野瀬玲奈の秘書課広報室:オーストラリアのケヴィン・ラッド首相の対アボリジニ謝罪スピーチは感動的でした (08/07)
沖縄・辺野古基金
http://muranoserena.blog91.fc2.com/blog-entry-6476.html
■沖縄・辺野古への新しい米軍基地の建設を阻止するための「辺野古基金」が発足。大勢の人の援助と連帯を沖縄に。
http://muranoserena.blog91.fc2.com/blog-entry-6375.html
「日本人の日本」だけが「世の中」じゃない
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生きていくためのお手伝い
法律を身近に
●救援連絡センター 『国家権力による弾圧に対しては、 犠牲者の思想的信条、 政治的見解の如何を問わず、 これを救援する。』
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>まだまだ闘わなければ日本の民主化は成し遂げられません。あきらめた時が負けです。
>決して腐ることなく、戦い抜きましょうと、多くの人に呼びかけ津木野宇佐儀自国維公が国民の医療アクセスの命綱を切る作業を本格化させた2023年6月2日。民主主義者にとって自国維公に殴られ始める屈辱の日。 #保険証廃止法案の成立に抗議します私はマイナンバーカードを持ちません。 私もマイナンバーカード取得強制に反対でコメントを2日前から投稿したのですが,F2ブログからはねられていました。よくあることですが。
私のもとには過去に市役所Takeshi問題なく使われている現行健康保険証廃止は自国維公(地獄行こう)から日本国民への暴力的攻撃。抗議と反対を続ける。 #保険証廃止法案の採決に抗議します まだまだ使えて誰も不便に思ってない道路をわざわざぶっ壊して新しい道路を作るようなことは東日本大震災の被災地ではよく見る光景です。復興という錦の御旗があれば無駄左の人問題なく使われている現行健康保険証廃止は自国維公(地獄行こう)から日本国民への暴力的攻撃。抗議と反対を続ける。 #保険証廃止法案の採決に抗議します朝日の劣化ここ数日で「朝日は滅びろ」というのが強くなりました。
成果が疑わしいG7の報道でも「何を食った」とどうでもいいことをやっていて「核軍縮」の退行を流しもしない。
最アンドリュー・バルトフェルド首相公邸で遊ぶ岸田文雄一族。 (2)くだらん擁護が悪目立ち青瓦台で同じことがあれば、トチ狂ったように連日報道業者が喚き散らします、絶対に。
「他人の振り見て我がふり直せをやったら死んじゃう病患者」が余りも多すぎる証左にアンドリュー・バルトフェルド入管法改悪は自民党政府による外国人へのさらなる虐待のようなものです。 #入管法改悪反対No title 立法事実(その法律が必要とされる社会的事実)が存在しない法律は、それだけで憲法違反となるというレベルのものです。内容面でも問題だらけの法律案ですが、それを無理やクテシフォン石垣島への陸上自衛隊配備について住民投票を求める規定数以上の署名を集めたのに住民投票実施を行政からも司法からも却下された異常事態芸人・加藤浩次の差別発言 5月27日,TBS系の「人生最高レストラン」で,糸満市にある沖縄そば店を紹介した際に,店の様子を紹介する映像が流れ,「11時30分~15時だけの営業」というテロップが表示Takeshi岸田文雄首相の息子で政務担当首相秘書官、岸田翔太郎が辞任へ。こんな幼稚で思慮浅い息子にしか育たなかった岸田文雄首相自身も父親失格だし政治家の器でもないとバレた。息子の更迭を断固拒否したのは首相夫人 岸田翔太郎の首相秘書官更迭を首相が実行しようとしていたところ,裕子夫人が断固反対したのだそうです。それでも翔太郎が,心が折れてもう辞めると言ってきかないので更Takeshi強制ではなく任意のはずのマイナンバーカードについての世論調査に強い異議あり。 #保険証廃止は白紙に戻せ #マスメディアへの不満 #マスメディアへの不信 設問による誘導と言えば、先日の時事通信と毎日新聞がアレでした。
「野党第一党は立憲と維新でどちらがいいか?」という設問ですが、それを自民党や公明党の支持者に左の人死刑FAQ (適宜更新)死刑再開を議論しなかったノルウェーについて思うこと 村野瀬玲奈さん,情報提供ありがとうございました。
私が長野県中野市で起きた,立て籠もり・刺殺銃殺事件で連想したのはひとつはキム・ヒロ事件でした。朝鮮人を差別Takeshi#奪マスク #脱マスク を他人に強制しようとするな。徹底的に抵抗する。No title「脱マスク」(日本は着けるも外すも任意!なのに!)のせいなのか、インフルエンザ、はしか等が流行ってますね津木野宇佐儀石垣島への陸上自衛隊配備について住民投票を求める規定数以上の署名を集めたのに住民投票実施を行政からも司法からも却下された異常事態No title沖縄だけでなく日本もアメリカの支配下っていうことが多くの「日本人」にはわかっていないのだろうな…
2年ほど前、私の住む街の上空を、オスプレイが2度(3度も?)飛津木野宇佐儀死刑FAQ (適宜更新)Re: ノルウェー政府庁舎爆発及びウトヤ島での銃乱射事件Takeshiさん、いつもコメントありがとうございます。当時のことを思い出すために、ここに私の当時のメモを記録します。
テロの犠牲になった悲しみのノルウェーの民主社会村野瀬 玲奈首相公邸で遊ぶ岸田文雄一族。岸田翔太郎が首相秘書官を辞職 岸田翔太郎が2023年6月1日付けで辞職するとのこと。6月1日付けというのは,ボーナスを全額もらうためでしょうか。岸田首相自分自身は責任をとらないのでしょうか。馬鹿息Takeshi死刑FAQ (適宜更新)戦争と死刑の間にあるもの 人は人を殺してはいけない。
個人が故意をもって他の個人を殺害すれば違法であり,死刑に処せられるというのが過去から現在に至るまでの世界的なルールです。現在は死Takeshi首相公邸で遊ぶ岸田文雄一族。岸田翔太郎はどこまでウダイに近づくのか。 独裁者の馬鹿息子としてウダイ・サッダーム・フセイン(1964.6.18~2003.7.22)が有名です。サッダームの長男として生まれてから、両親に甘やかされて育てられたと言われTakeshi死刑FAQ (適宜更新)ノルウェー政府庁舎爆発及びウトヤ島での銃乱射事件2011年7月22日,アンネシュ・ブレイビクは,、オスロ中心地にある政府庁舎を爆破し8人の命を奪った後,ウトヤ島で労働党の青年部の関係者69人を銃で殺害しました。単独犯行Takeshi立法根拠が無い #入管法改悪反対 。No title事実上難民を受け入れないのは条約違反=憲法98条違反なんですが
岸田はこの愚行で何を守ろうとしてるんですかね…津木野宇佐儀(「月乃兎」改め)石垣島への陸上自衛隊配備について住民投票を求める規定数以上の署名を集めたのに住民投票実施を行政からも司法からも却下された異常事態沖縄は今も本土の捨て石にされている。 沖縄は大東亜戦争で日本本土の捨て石にされ,莫大な民間人犠牲者を出しました。戦後も裕仁天皇の越権行為により,米軍基地が半永久的に配備されました。選挙で民意を示しTakeshi政権政党に有利に作られている、選挙の高額供託金という参入障壁制度No title 日本において高すぎる供託金が立候補の妨げとなり、結果として新しい候補や政治勢力の台頭を阻んでいます。先進民主主義国家と言われる国の中では非常識に高い供託金は、クテシフォン少女時代(소녀시대、Girl's Generation) 「다시 만난 세계」 (Into The New World、また巡り逢えた世界) (不定期連載、「気まぐれK-POPプレイリスト」)これらの曲もいいと思います。 ポーランド・ロックのシンガーソングライターであるKaśka Sochacka(カシカ・ソハッカ)のCiche Dni(静かな日々)とSpaleni Słońcem(太陽に灼かれて)
もいい曲だと思いますTakeshi政権政党に有利に作られている、選挙の高額供託金という参入障壁制度 選挙供託金制度は1920年代に普通選挙が導入された際、無産政党の参入を阻止するために制定されました。
これとセットになっているのが無産政党の活動を制限する治安維左の人日本に人道主義を導入して定着させよう。自民党政府の非人道性を見過ごせない。 #入管法改悪反対人権を嫌悪する者が付和雷同し、嫌がらせの言節を放っているのに食傷。 こんばんは。私も村野瀬さんも十数年にわたってSNSの言論の場に身を置いていますが、特に近年、「物事を丁寧に書き示す」より「対象物を手っ取り早くぶん殴れる」言節が伊東 勉広島サミットについての批判的メモサミットとは?そもそもサミットとは?
欧米列強&欧米列強の悪い部分ばかりマネしてそのおこぼれにあずかろうとしている日本が、これまで作り上げた国際秩序と自らの覇権を確保するため閉口首相公邸で遊ぶ岸田文雄一族。前近代的な日本の姿自民党は前近代的な世襲政治家が多い政党です。
岸田文雄も世襲政治家です。
首相公邸で遊ぶ岸田文雄一族。
まるで封建時代の絶対王政の国そのものです。
こういった政治家閉口日本に人道主義を導入して定着させよう。自民党政府の非人道性を見過ごせない。 #入管法改悪反対入管法改悪法案の廃案と帰国できない事情のある仮放免者に在留資格を付与することを求めます!入管法で改正が必要なのは、今の杜撰すぎる難民認定審査のあり方です。
日本は難民として認定すべき人を難民として認定していません。
それを改正するどころか改悪して難民閉口不祥事で議員辞職する維新議員はほとんどいない。こんな政党を支持・容認したり批判せずにいたりすることは維新の不祥事を支持するようなものだ。 #維新は最悪の選択肢 いわゆる「身体検査」が機能していないのでしょうね。日本共産党や公明党は選挙資金は党が負担するのが大前提です。大切な党のお金を使うのですから、候補者の選定基準も左の人袴田巌さんの完全無罪を勝ち取り、無罪の者を無理に有罪にして真犯人を逃がした検察の過ちと暴力を解明すべき。検察の指向性と日本政府の無謬性主義はパラレル 泉田裕彦に裏金を要求した星野伊佐夫元新潟県議が不起訴になりました。女性に強制性交すべく女性に受傷させたプロ野球選手は,不起訴の可能性が高いとも言われています。Takeshi差別主義経営者のいるホテルチェーンと日本サッカー連盟との不適切なナショナルチームパートナー契約郵便局の窓口でアパホテルカレーを販売中郵便局に行ったら,窓口にアパホテルの元谷芙美子社長の写真が載ったアパホテルカレーが390円で販売されていました。買いませんでした。アパホテルは自民党に要望し,自民Takeshi